Tunisia's Unresolved Grievances: Five Years After Saied's Power Consolidation

Fifteen years after Tunisians first echoed the revolutionary cry for "employment, freedom, and national dignity" to dismantle a decades-old authoritarian regime, those very slogans are once again reverberating across the nation. However, this time, the backdrop is starkly different. Tunisia now finds itself five years into a political transformation initiated by President Kais Saied, a period marked by a centralized presidency and a significantly curtailed public sphere, yet many of the fundamental economic and social grievances that fueled past uprisings remain stubbornly unresolved.

Quick summary

• Five years ago, President Kais Saied initiated a power consolidation, suspending parliament and ruling by decree, promising to end political paralysis and corruption.
• Today, economic hardships, including severe water and electricity cuts, rising prices, and medicine shortages, continue to plague Tunisians across social strata.
• The political environment has drastically narrowed, with significant restrictions on dissent, media freedom, and civil society, alongside the prosecution of opposition figures.
• Despite promises of a more effective state under a strengthened presidency, the economic situation has largely failed to improve, creating a new wave of public frustration.

Why it matters

The situation in Tunisia holds significant implications, not just for its citizens but for the broader region and the global understanding of democratic transitions. For ordinary Tunisians, the resurgence of basic service failures like water and electricity outages, coupled with escalating living costs, translates directly into a deteriorating quality of life and a profound sense of disillusionment. This exacerbates pressures on an already struggling populace, pushing some, like the 40-year-old cleaner Rebh, towards desperate measures, including perilous migration in search of a better life.

More broadly, Tunisia's trajectory offers a cautionary tale about the complexities of post-revolutionary governance. It highlights the difficult trade-offs between political stability and civil liberties, and the persistent challenge of delivering tangible economic improvements after significant political upheaval. The curtailment of democratic space and the rollback of freedoms that emerged after 2011 could inspire similar patterns elsewhere, while its failure to deliver on economic promises risks further eroding public trust in political systems and democratic processes globally. Tunisia, once seen as a beacon of hope for the Arab Spring, now represents a crucial case study on the enduring struggle to balance governance, prosperity, and rights.

Background

The journey of Tunisia since the 2011 revolution has been one of complex transitions and enduring challenges. The uprising that toppled Zine El Abidine Ben Ali's long-standing authoritarian rule was ignited by widespread frustration over unemployment, corruption, and a lack of freedom and dignity, encapsulated in the powerful slogan that now resonates again. The decade that followed Ben Ali's ouster was marked by a vibrant, albeit often tumultuous, democratic experiment.

During this period, Tunisia saw competitive elections, the proliferation of political parties, a blossoming civil society, and a significant expansion of freedom of expression. Journalists, once operating under strict censorship, found new avenues to challenge power. However, this democratic openness came with its own set of difficulties. Frequent government changes, persistent political infighting, and a perceived inability of successive administrations to tackle deep-seated economic problems led to widespread public dissatisfaction. Unemployment remained stubbornly high, particularly among youth and in inland regions, while public services continued to underperform. By the end of 2020, unemployment reached 17.4 percent, according to World Bank figures, a stark reminder of the revolution's unfulfilled economic promises. The country also grappled with serious security threats, including extremist attacks that further strained the economy, particularly the vital tourism sector.

It was against this backdrop of political perceived dysfunction and economic stagnation that Kais Saied, a constitutional law professor and political outsider, emerged. Promising to cleanse the system of corruption and bring stability through a stronger state, Saied garnered significant public support. On July 25, 2021, he suspended the Assembly of the Representatives of the People, dismissed the government, and began ruling by decree, moves he framed as essential to rescue the nation from crisis. While initially welcomed by many fed up with political gridlock, these actions were swiftly condemned by opponents as a coup. Saied subsequently dissolved parliament and oversaw the adoption of a new constitution in 2022, which dramatically augmented presidential powers, effectively dismantling many of the democratic checks and balances established after the 2011 revolution.

Qnews24h insight

President Saied's consolidation of power five years ago was predicated on a clear promise: that a more centralized, decisive state would be more effective in addressing Tunisia's chronic economic and social ailments than the fragmented democratic system that preceded it. The current resurgence of grievances, however, presents a critical challenge to this narrative. While the democratic decade post-2011 was undeniably fraught with political instability and economic disappointment, it crucially preserved a space for dissent, debate, and the peaceful transfer of power. Saied's administration has, by its own design, traded this messy, yet open, political environment for an order that purports efficiency but has, thus far, failed to deliver widely on its core economic promises, all while significantly curtailing civil liberties.

The insight here is not merely that economic problems persist – many predate Saied's tenure – but that the new political structure has yet to prove its efficacy in resolving them, while simultaneously removing many of the avenues through which citizens could voice their discontent. The trade-off has been stark: an end to perceived political paralysis, but at the cost of democratic freedoms and without the promised economic dividends. This creates a dangerous feedback loop where economic hardship fuels frustration, but the weakened institutions of accountability and expression mean that anger has fewer legitimate channels, potentially leading to increased social unrest. The current climate suggests that a 'strong state' without strong public services and fundamental freedoms may only deepen, rather than resolve, a nation's underlying problems.

Economic Hardship and Fading Freedoms

The economic woes plaguing Tunisia today are not abstract statistics but a tangible burden on daily life. "People are tired. They are choosing to cross the sea and die [trying to reach Europe] instead," recounted Rebh, a 40-year-old cleaner from Tunis, to Al Jazeera, highlighting the desperation. The summer of 2026, with temperatures nearing 50 degrees Celsius (122 degrees Fahrenheit) in regions like Kairouan, has exacerbated already fragile infrastructure. Record electricity demand led to widespread rotating power cuts, which in turn disrupted water-pumping stations. Many Tunisians reported going days without running water, facing shortages of bottled water, and enduring long queues for supplies.

Beyond the utilities, a broader squeeze on purchasing power is evident. Rising prices across essential goods, coupled with shortages of medicines, mean that basic necessities are becoming increasingly difficult to afford. These are precisely the types of grievances that resonated deeply during the 2011 uprising, demonstrating a persistent failure to improve the material conditions for a significant portion of the population.

A Shrinking Space for Dissent

The political environment under President Saied stands in sharp contrast to the freedoms gained after the 2011 revolution. Rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, have documented a consistent pattern of restrictions on civil society, media, and political opposition. Numerous opposition figures, journalists, lawyers, and activists have faced prosecution in cases described as politically motivated.

A notable example is the "conspiracy case," in which Tunisian authorities accused various public figures of plotting against state security. In April 2025, a Tunis court sentenced 37 defendants to lengthy prison terms, ranging from four to 66 years. An appeals court later upheld convictions for 34 of these defendants, reducing some sentences but still imposing terms between five and 45 years. Critics argue that these trials lacked adequate due-process protections, a claim rejected by authorities who maintain the defendants committed serious offenses.

Media and Civil Society Under Pressure

The impact of this political shift on media freedom and civil society has been profound. Journalist Manel Derbali described how, after 2011, there was a palpable sense of openness, allowing journalists to operate with unprecedented freedom and access to information. "After years of censorship and police repression, everything opened up," she stated, recalling a period where journalists felt public backing in challenging power. Channels existed for raising concerns and proposals to officials through parliament and ministries.

However, Derbali notes a drastic change post-July 25, 2021: "all of these spaces became closed." Journalists now struggle to get even basic responses from government institutions, with official requests often left unanswered for months. This reflects a broader trend where the institutions and public spaces that were seen as gains of the revolution have been steadily weakened, limiting the ability of civil society and the media to act as checks on power.

New Forms of Protest, Old Demands

Despite the narrowed space for expression, discontent is finding new outlets. The Nafas movement, for instance, has organized recent demonstrations in Tunis, drawing together political parties, independent figures, and citizens who had not previously engaged in political protests. Rabii Qassem, a member of the Nafas collective, acknowledges the imperfections of the 2011-2021 decade, citing crises like unemployment, corruption, and political conflict.

Yet, Qassem stresses that this period also brought invaluable gains: greater freedom of expression, a robust civil society, diverse media, and peaceful transfers of power through elections. He argues that after July 25, 2021, these gains were eroded, while the pre-existing economic and social problems remained unsolved. "Where is employment? Where is the water? Where are the public services? Where is the dignity?" he asks, echoing the original revolutionary demands. This confluence of economic hardship and diminished political avenues suggests that while Tunisia may not be on the cusp of another 2011-style revolution – given public weariness with old political parties and Saied's continued base of support – the potential for social unrest remains significant as grievances increasingly overlap.

The Unfulfilled Promise of a Stronger State

The central question facing Tunisia is whether the more centralized system championed by President Saied can ultimately deliver the effective governance and economic improvements he promised. Before 2021, Tunisians could blame a democratic system they increasingly viewed as ineffective for their stagnant living conditions. After Saied dismantled much of that system and promised a stronger presidency would yield better results, the onus for progress now rests squarely with his administration. Five years on, many of the same grievances persist, but the fundamental difference is that the channels for challenging power, for expressing frustration, and for seeking accountability have become considerably narrower. The cry for "employment, freedom, and national dignity" echoes not just as a historical refrain, but as a pressing, contemporary demand from a populace still waiting for its revolution's promise to be truly realized.

Sources

• Title: Five years after Saied’s power grab, Tunisia’s old grievances resurface | News | Al Jazeera

  URL: https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2026/9/1/five-years-after-saieds-power-grab-tunisias-old-grievances-resurface?traffic_source=rss

FAQ

What are the main grievances resurfacing in Tunisia five years after President Saied's power grab?

Tunisia is experiencing a resurgence of economic grievances similar to those that sparked the 2011 revolution. These include widespread water cuts, electricity outages, rising prices of basic goods, and shortages of essential medicines. These problems are affecting daily life across all social and economic divides, leading to significant public frustration.

How has the political landscape changed under President Saied since 2021?

Since July 2021, President Saied has suspended parliament, dismissed the government, and overseen the adoption of a new constitution in 2022 that significantly strengthened presidential powers. This has led to a noticeable narrowing of the space for political dissent, media freedom, and civil society activity, with numerous opposition figures, journalists, and activists facing prosecution in cases deemed politically motivated by human rights organizations.

What impact have these changes had on freedoms and civil society in Tunisia?

The changes have significantly curtailed freedoms that emerged after the 2011 revolution. Journalists now report difficulties in obtaining information from official bodies, and civil society organizations face increasing restrictions. The ability to openly challenge those in power, once a hallmark of post-2011 Tunisia, has diminished, leading critics to assert that institutional checks on presidential power have been weakened and fundamental democratic gains rolled back.